Naxalism Is a major challenge for internal security. Time to attack Naxalism as a major challenge for the internal security of the country.
Within its national border, India has suffered much separatist resistance, but none of them has been a gruesome, violent, and complex challenge like Naxalism.
Gruesome because its main style of action is to kill the armed forces mercilessly. Violent because it aims to capture the state through armed struggle.
Its stated purpose is complicated because this violent movement, run by the state’s machinery using a state and a cooperative intellectual class, is a metaphor for the ‘natural explosion of deceit’ Trying to conserve through.
In the Naxalite attack in Bijapur, Chhattisgarh, it has been proved once again that despite the passage of more than five decades, there has been no change in its ‘basic principle’.
When the response of the state is accelerated, the ‘effect’ of this violent effort definitely decreases, but as a trend, it has been existing for decades. According to the statistics, its impact was reduced for the last three years.
While in the year 2017, in a total of 908 Naxalite attacks, 188 civilians and 75 military forces were killed, while for 833 Naxalite attacks in 2018, this figure was 173 and 67 respectively.
While in 2019 a total of 670 Naxalite attacks, 150 civilians and 52 jawans were killed. Had died Compared to the year 2010, there is an effective reduction in Naxalite attacks.
In 2010, 720 civilians and 285 security forces lost their lives in 2,213 Naxalite attacks. These figures are sufficient to describe the horrors of the Naxalite movement.
Violent movement based on ideological shrewdness: It is necessary to understand that the reasons which are advocated by Naxalism are no longer related to Naxalism.
The Naxalites count these reasons for taking the moral legitimacy of their violent actions.
Intellectuals sympathetic to the Naxalite movement argue that the current model of development has created a crisis on the existence of tribals and the underprivileged.
The tribals were not only deprived of their resources but were also forced to lose their cultural identity.
Those who justify the Naxalite movement say that these sections living in extreme deprivation faced government non-cooperation when they needed special government protection.
In this way, the void created by governance was filled by the Naxalites. When these communities are unable to speak through the fixed structure of the state, then they find other avenues.
It is on these grounds that an attempt is made to justify Naxalism. But this is nothing more than the intellectual cleverness to hide violence.
If Naxalism was in favor of reform in this situation, it would have sought to speed up development work, but Naxalites would not only impede infrastructure development but also access to basic facilities like schools and hospitals.
Naxalites who become the messiah of the poor stop every government effort that improves the standard of living of the citizens.
Not only this, they prevent citizens from joining the democratic system by disrupting the election process. The members of the Naxal organizations claim to be the protectors of the Adivasis’ economy and culture.
But the reality is that they have captured those resources and are pressuring the tribals to change their identity. The Naxalites pressurized the weekly market of tribals in the Bastar region to abandon the tradition of marriage.
Marriages, etc., even depriving the tribals of the economic use of Tendu Leaf, the mainstay of their economy. Behavior with tribal children and women became a part of Naxalism.
It was from these conditions that resistance like ‘Salwa Judum’ emerged against Naxalism which was opposed by the class supporting the Naxalism intellectually with the state machinery like the court and the Human Rights Commission etc.
The basic thing is that no matter the purpose with which Naxalism started, but now its sole goal is to take over the state through violent revolution. And under no circumstances can this view be supported.